OPINION

Business and guarantees

Business and guarantees

If given the opportunity to converse with the “European diplomat” allegedly keenly advocating Greece’s provision of air defense systems to Ukraine, I would tell them the following: Greece would indeed consider such assistance if the European Union unequivocally commits to ensuring our nation’s security – a steadfast pledge akin to what the British term a “firm security commitment.” Regrettably, such a commitment is absent, and NATO cannot offer one as it would entail implicating another NATO member.

Moreover, the “European diplomat” should recognize that Greece does not share borders with Austria or France, nor does it just share some lake with a neighboring country. Instead, Greece borders a nation that challenges the sovereignty of Greek islands and, until recently, conducted overflights above them. Thus, transferring Greece’s air defense systems to Ukraine, or any other nation for that matter, must be contingent upon a commitment to replace them with similar systems, with the assurance that Greece will not bear the financial burden.

If an “American diplomat” were engaged in the same discussion, I would convey the exact same sentiments, as the pertinent US commitment remains confidential and, to some extent, ambiguous. I would further highlight that the rewards Greece has garnered for its stance in the Ukraine crisis and its consent to the transfer of F-16 fighter jets to Ankara have been underwhelming. This is despite the significant political costs borne by the Greek government as a result. A prime example is the surplus US army vessels that the leadership of the Defense Ministry rightly declined.

Additionally, I would reference a remark made by a seasoned analyst of US politics in our region, who recently quipped that there must be something in the water of every newcomer to the State Department, compelling them to approach Turkey with either awe or fear of its potential to distance itself from the West. Their observation was drawn from Turkey’s positions in both Ukraine and the Middle East, juxtaposed with those of Greece.

Certain Northern diplomats may dismiss the aforementioned rationale as merely Balkan, possibly even banal. However, it is we who must navigate life in a perilous neighborhood, fraught with numerous threats, while simultaneously anticipating that our status as a stalwart member of the Western Alliance entitles us to a degree of protection. Last but not least, let’s not overlook the fact that our Northern allies engaged in dealings with Moscow, displaying total dependence on it for years, seemingly disregarding the geopolitical ramifications. Furthermore, it’s these very allies who, once the Ukraine chapter concludes, will likely resume business with Moscow. 

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