OPINION

Private university reform just the tip of the iceberg

Private university reform just the tip of the iceberg

The controversy over the operation of private universities in Greece has raged for the past 30 years. For its champions, it is the holy grail that will liberate society from the yoke of statism. Those who insist on the ban imposed by Article 16 of the Greek Constitution believe they are protecting public universities and their degrees from degradation, without bothering to deal with all the other mounting problems. I do not underestimate the importance of the constitutional ban and the need to defend it, but I am also aware of the fact that it will probably be lifted soon, either with a legislative bypass using Article 28 or with the controversial article’s abolition in the next constitutional review. This is why defending the quality of public universities needs to be of a structural nature, so that even if the ban on private institutions is lifted, they may maintain their superiority. The fact that there is no constitutional ban in any other country in Europe yet they do not have many big private universities – with the exception of Cyprus, where there are special reasons for their development – supports this. A framework describing the rules for the different categories of institutions follows below:

Private institutions

The main distinction among private universities is whether revenue from tuition is reinvested in research and infrastructure or distributed among the shareholders, as in a regular business. America’s famous non-state universities represent the former and certain private universities in Eastern Europe and Cyprus the latter. When it comes to the top international universities, they have no real reason to open a branch in a small market like Greece, for the simple reason that people who want to study there want the high-caliber education they offer as well as the experience of living in such privileged surroundings. It is one thing to be in Oxford or Yale and quite another to commute to a branch campus somewhere like Orchomenos. In contrast, Greeks who study at private institutions in Cyprus tend to have failed university entrance exams in Greece and need a degree to inherit their parents’ business – usually as doctors, lawyers and accountants, which is why these areas of study are particularly popular. The failed candidates probably won’t mind attending a similar private university in Greece; indeed, some of these institutions have already heralded their arrival.

There are two issues, however.

One is that those institutions simply do not compare with Greece’s medical, law and economic schools, neither in the caliber of the students nor in the standard of studies. Therefore, if the government honestly wants foreign universities to raise the bar for Greek ones, it needs to reject such institutions. Moreover, even if a license is granted, how will the students be selected? If private schools have a minimum pass grade like public ones do, most students will not make the cut and will still head to Cyprus if they want a degree. In that case, though, the government’s aim of covering domestic demand and stemming student migration goes out the window. If, on the other hand, private universities cannot take in a sufficient number of students because they’re not making the grade, that means there won’t be enough business for numerous institutions. The market for degrees for “hereditary professions” will, therefore, be able to support only a handful of commercial institutions. If the government starts handing out licenses left, right and center, it will see standards drop and those institutions’ viability wane. In short, instead of spearheading the much-coveted reform of tertiary education, they will evolve into yet another problem, as several private colleges operating in the country already are today.

Public universities

Developments at public universities also bode ill if they settle for constitutional protection and don’t adapt to current demands. This cannot be accomplished solely by funneling more money into them, especially without oversight and accountability. Along with the economic boost, every public university needs to acquire the flexibility and responsibility to put forth essential changes, organize its advantages and claim the position it deserves internationally and domestically. The initiatives that need to be assumed, include, among others:

Giving universities the authority to establish, merge and abolish departments, depending on scientific developments and the country’s requirements, as well as to set the entrance grades for its schools, the number of entrants and the rules of attendance.

It is one thing to be in Oxford or Yale and quite another to commute to a branch campus somewhere like Orchomenos

Slashing a lot of the red tape introduced over the past decade by the SYRIZA and New Democracy governments concerning the handling of research funding so that universities have more flexibility in working with other domestic and foreign institutions.

Just as private institutions can open all sorts of departments, so state universities must be allowed to launch initiatives like courses in foreign languages or special educational programs for non-Greek citizens (like summer schools, for example), for which they can charge tuition.

Most importantly, universities, their faculties and the state must address the shameful incidents of violence by groups that bring disorder to public space, discredit the mission of public universities and constitute the effective champions of private ones.

Subjecting all university faculty and staff, as well as curriculums, to regular assessments by an independent authority, as described below, based on a single set of rules that apply to both public and private institutions.

Regulatory authority

The Education Ministry’s relevant committee already collects and processes a large volume of information, but its findings are never announced publicly nor have they ever led to an institution being rewarded or reprimanded for something it did. The existing system also overlooks crucial parameters that determine the quality of studies, such as students’ performance in exams, the number of students who are enrolled but don’t actually attend classes, arbitrary disruptions to the education process etc.

It is urgent, therefore, for the committee to be upgraded to the role of regulatory authority, tasked with assessing matters related to both public and private universities. Its findings must be made public to ensure transparent rankings and drive changes. Departments that fail to pass muster will be given a deadline to make improvements or face closure, while those that excel will receive additional material and moral support from the state. It should also evaluate whether studies meet the specifications of each professional field and how they align across various institutions in the country. ςApplications for establishing private universities would also be submitted to this authority so there is a common basis of evaluation with public institutions – thus allowing citizens to see how superior a public university can be and why they should defend it.


Nicos Christodoulakis is an economist and professor emeritus at the Athens University of Economics and Business, and a former finance minister.

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